[kinsey] What Is “Sexual Identity”? Is It The Same As Sexual Orientation?

30 09 2010

The Kinsey Scale

This was originally posted at Kinsey Confidential.

At Kinsey Confidential, we have received a number of questions from readers regarding sexual orientation and identity.  As a man, am I bisexual if I am sexually attracted to ciswomen (biological females) and transwomen (male-to-female transgender women)?  How do I know whether I am a lesbian or bisexual?  Indeed, sexual orientation is a complex matter that consists of multiple dimensions.  Following Brad’s (a fellow blogger at Kinsey Confidential) lead, I would like to provide a bit of clarity about what we mean by “sexual identity.”

What Is Sexual Orientation?

More traditional scientific approaches to studying sexual orientation relied on sexual behavior and attraction to classify people.  In general, people were categorized as homosexual (sexually attracted to people of the same sex) or heterosexual (sexually attracted to people of the “opposite” sex).  Dr. Alfred Kinsey expanded our definition of sexual orientation to account for the people who fall between the strict heterosexual-or-homosexual binary.  In particular, he noted that there are people who are bisexual (sexually attracted to women and men) and those who are somewhat homosexual/heterosexual.

More recently, we define sexual orientation to include these aspects – sexual attraction and sexual behavior – as well as sexual identity, romantic attractions and behaviors, membership in sexual communities (e.g., lesbian, bisexual, gay, kink, BDSM), sexual fantasies.  In general, sexual orientation is seen as something that is lasting and enduring, but researchers are beginning to note greater sexual fluidity over one’s lifetime.

Is Sexual Identity The Same Thing?

In general, most people adopt a sexual identity that “matches” their sexual orientation: most heterosexually-oriented people identify as “heterosexual” or “straight”, most homosexually-oriented people identify as “lesbian” or “gay.”  However, there is a sizable number of people for whom sexual orientation does not coincide with their sexual identity.  We can define sexual identity as the label that people adopt to signify to others who they are as a sexual being, particularly regarding sexual orientation.

For some people, there is a political element to their sexual identity.  For example, rather than identifying as bisexual (“bi” = two), some people identify as pansexual (“pan” = multiple); this moves away from the implication that there are only two sexes (female and male) and two genders (women and men) in light of the growing visibility of intersexed and transgender people.  Others identify as queer to highlight the fluidity and diversity of gender and sexual orientation and, further, to reclaim the term “queer” which has historically been used as a derogatory term for lesbian, gay, and bisexual people.  Finally, there is growing visibility of people who identify as asexual, that is, they do not experience sexual orientation to a particular group (i.e., gender) of people.

A More Complex Definition: Gender, Race, Ethnicity, Social Class…

In large part, one’s sexual orientation, and, in turn one’s sexual identity, is based on one’s gender.  To be a woman who is attracted to other women is to be defined, most likely by oneself and others, as a lesbian (or maybe queer, or a woman-loving-woman).  But, what if you are transgender?  Or intersexed (born with an ambiguous sex in terms of hormones, anatomy, and chromosomes)?  Or, what if you are attracted to transgender people, and/or intersexed people?  Indeed this complicates our definitions of sexual identity and sexual orientation.  This, again, is why some people identify as queer, pansexual, or maybe just “sexual” – that there are more than two sexes and two genders.

Another component that is often missing from our definitions of sexual identity and sexual orientation are those other components of attraction other than sex and gender.  To be a heterosexual man does not mean you are attracted to every woman.  In particular, we find that, in addition to sex and gender, we are attracted to people (or not) on the basis of ethnicity, race, social class, religion, level of education, ability/disability, body shape and size, and age.  But, to be bisexual or to identify as heterosexual implies only the gender or sex of whom you find attractive.  While some people consider these aspects to be our “type,” just as we have tastes for boys in bands or athletic girls, these aspects are just as important as gender and sex in defining who we are attracted to and who we seek out for sex and relationships.

Is Sexuality Fluid?

There is increasing evidence that our sexualities are not fixed from birth to death – rather, they are fluid.  For example, a psychologist, Dr. Lisa Diamond’s recent research has looked at the fluidity of women’s sexualities.  Similarly, other aspects of who we are attracted to can change as well.  At 21, we may be attracted to others in the 18 to 25 year old range, but, by 50, we may find ourselves attracted to people in the 40 to 60 year old range.  This is partly due to changes in our lives and new experiences.  (After working for 30 years, a 50-year-old may find more in common with another 50-year-old than an 18-year-old.)

This is also due to changes in our social context.  At 18, many people are surrounded by other 18-22 year olds while they are in college; however, at 50, unless you work at a college, it is unlikely that you will be surrounded by 18-year-olds on a daily basis.  In addition, our social context changes because of social changes.  For example, a sociologists, Dr. Michael Rosenberg, has found an increasing number of same-sex and interracial couples since the 1960s, a change that reflects greater acceptance of such couples, of lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender people, and improving race relations. All of this points to a complex, multidimensional, fluid, and contextual picture of sexual orientation and identity that reflects the complexity of our sexualities and our social world.





[kinsey] The Changing Definition Of Family: Results From A Multiyear Survey

25 09 2010

This was originally posted at Kinsey Confidential.

Is there a natural, universal definition of what makes a family?  Nope.  Enter the sociologists… “Family,” like many aspects of social world of humans, is defined by humans themselves.  Historically in the United States, humans have defined being related “by blood” is the only way other than marrying one’s spouse to be counted as family.  As something that is defined by humans, that definition can and has changed drastically over time.  (If you want more of a lesson on this perspective of sociology, check out the theory of social constructionism.)  Just as the definition of “having sex” is not natural or universal, a new study finds that the definition of “family” varies and changes over time.

The Multi-Year Study

In their book, Counted Out: Same-Sex Relations and Americans’ Definitions of Family, sociologists Brian Powell, Catherine Bolzendahl, Claudia Geist, and Lala Carr Steelman use data in 2003, 2006, and 2010 from samples that are representative of the United States.  The most recent survey, 2010, contained 830 respondents and, in all the surveys contained over 2,300 participants.  In each survey, respondents were asked whether they considered various family structures to count as “family”: married heterosexual couples, unmarried cohabiting heterosexual couples, unmarried cohabiting same-sex couples, couples with and without children, families with and without pets.

The Findings: What Makes A Family Among Heterosexuals?

Last year, with another sociologists, Laura Hamilton, the researchers released one set of findings: 70% of Americans think that its better if women take their husbands’ last names when they get married, with about 50% suggesting it should be a legal requirement.  One definition of family that is just about everyone endorsed is a married heterosexual couple with children, while 92% counted married heterosexual couples without children as “family.”

Eighty-three percent of Americans count an unmarried cohabiting heterosexual couple with children as a family, but that number drops below 40% if they do not have children.  So, according to the majority of Americans, two criteria are required for defining a family: marriage and children.

The Findings: What Makes A Family Among Same-Sex Couples?

The views of Americans regarding the families of lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) people show changes toward a more inclusive definition of family.  Now, the country is evenly split on whether same-sex marriage should be legal, with 52% agreeing.  In the 2010 survey, 68% of respondents said they counted a same-sex couple with children as a family, up from 54% in 2003; but, only one-third count same-sex couples without children as a “family.”

The researchers found that this increasing acceptance of same-sex couples as families is partly due to an increase in the number of Americans who report having an LGBT friend or family member.  Also, more and more Americans report believing that genetics, rather than god’s will, peers, or parenting, are determine sexual orientation.  However, based on the 2006 survey, 30% of Americans would count pets as families but not same-sex couples.  In general, however, the majority of Americans believe that a family that defines itself as “family” is indeed a family.

You can see ABC News coverage, including a brief interview with Professor Brian Powell, here.





[kinsey] Hookups Aren’t Bad For Your (Mental) Health, But Grades May Suffer

18 09 2010

This was originally posted at Kinsey Confidential.

Study after study has found that people who engage in casual sex and “hooking up” do not fare any worse in terms of well-being than those who do not.  Yet, some researchers have found that you may suffer another way: academic performance.  In a study of teen sexual behavior and relationships, two sociologists have found that teens who engage in casual sex face a number of negative academic consequences.

The Study

Sociologists Bill McCarthy and Eric Grodsky used data from two nationally-representative studies to analyze whether there was a relationship between teens’ sexual behavior, relationship status, and academic performance.  In particular, they looked at grades (GPAs), drop-out rates, absences, suspensions, and expulsions.  They compared three main groups: those sexually active within committed relationships, those sexually active outside of a relationship (thus, engaging in casual sex), and those who abstained from sex all together.

The Findings: It Depends On Your Relationship Status

Earlier research on academic performance and sexual activity has found teen sex to negatively impact grades and school aspirations.  However, in this study, the researchers find that the negative effects of teen sex were faced only by those who engaged in casual sex outside of a committed relationship.  Teens who engaged in casual sex had significantly lower grade-point averages, cared less about school, and experienced more problems in school (suspension, expulsion) compared to abstinent teens.  However, those who were sexually active within a committed relationship did not face these negative academic consequences.

So, Casual Sex Is Bad?

One important implication of this study is dispelling the myth that all teen sex is bad; the researchers noted, “these findings raise doubts about the veracity of sexual education programs that link adolescent sex to a plethora of negative outcomes.”  While they and other sociologists have suggested that these findings call for an improvement of comprehensive sex education programs in schools, they have not offered an explanation for why there is a link between casual sex and academic performance.  But, until more research is conducted to explore this relationship, I am skeptical of the implication that sex causes students to do worse in and care less about school.